對心理幸福感含義的探索 | 幸福就是一切嗎?

注:機翻,未校。


Happiness Is Everything, or Is It? Explorations on the Meaning of Psychological Well-Being

幸福就是一切嗎?對心理幸福感含義的探索

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 1989, Vol. 57, No. 6,1069-1081 Copyright 1989 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0022-3514/89/SOO. 75

《人格與社會心理學雜志》1989 年,第 57 卷,第 6 期,1069 - 1081 頁 版權所有者為美國心理學會,1989 年版權所有 0022 - 3514/89/SOO. 75

Happiness Is Everything, or Is It? Explorations on the Meaning of Psychological Well-Being
Carol D. Ryff University of Wisconsin—Madison

幸福就是一切嗎?對心理幸福感含義的探索
威斯康星大學麥迪遜分校 卡羅爾·D·賴夫

Reigning measures of psychological well-being have little theoretical grounding, despite an extensive literature on the contours of positive functioning. Aspects of well-being derived from this literature (i.e., self-acceptance, positive relations with others, autonomy, environmental mastery, purpose in life, and personal growth) were operationalized. Three hundred and twenty-one men and women, divided among young, middle-aged, and older adults, rated themselves on these measures along with six instruments prominent in earlier studies (i.e., affect balance, life satisfaction, self-esteem, morale, locus of control, depression). Results revealed that positive relations with others, autonomy, purpose in life, and personal growth were not strongly tied to prior assessment indexes, thereby supporting the claim that key aspects of positive functioning have not been represented in the empirical arena. Furthermore, age profiles revealed a more differentiated pattern of well-being than is evident in prior research.

盡管有關積極功能輪廓的文獻非常豐富,但現有的心理幸福感測量方法卻缺乏理論依據。從這些文獻中衍生出的幸福感方面(即自我接納、與他人建立積極關系、自主性、環境掌控、生活目標和自我成長)被具體化。321 名男性和女性,分為年輕人、中年人和老年人,對這些測量指標以及早期研究中常用的六個工具(即情緒平衡、生活滿意度、自尊、士氣、控制源、抑郁)進行了自我評價。結果顯示,與他人建立積極關系、自主性、生活目標和自我成長與之前的評估指標關聯并不緊密,這支持了積極功能的關鍵方面尚未在實證領域得到體現的觀點。此外,年齡特征揭示了比以往研究中更復雜的幸福感模式。

The question of who in American society is happy has been extensively probed by survey researchers (e.g., Campbell, 1981; Herzog, Rodgers, & Woodworth, 1982; Veroff, Douvan, & Kulka, 1981). Recently, social psychologists have become interested in factors that influence people’s judgments about well-being, such as their mood states at the time of assessment (Schwarz & Clore, 1983) or whether their judgments are based on the frequency or intensity of positive feeling states (Diener, Larson, Levine, & Emmons, 1985). On a more general level, increased interest in the study of psychological well-being follows from the recognition that the field of psychology, since its inception, has devoted much more attention to human unhappiness and suffering than to the causes and consequences of positive functioning (Diener, 1984; Jahoda, 1958). The premise of this study is that there has been particular neglect at the most fundamental level in this realm, namely, the task of defining the essential features of psychological well-being. It is argued that much of the prior literature is founded on conceptions of well-being that have little theoretical rationale and, as a consequence, neglect important aspects of positive functioning. An alternative conception, based on the integration of several theoretical domains, is presented. Once operationalized, this formulation is then contrasted with indicators of well-being from the past literature to assess whether theory - guided conceptions define new dimensions of positive functioning not evident in prior empirical research.

美國社會中誰是幸福的這一問題已經受到了調查研究人員的廣泛探討(例如,Campbell,1981;Herzog,Rodgers & Woodworth,1982;Veroff,Douvan & Kulka,1981)。近期,社會心理學家開始對影響人們對幸福感判斷的因素產生興趣,例如他們在評估時的情緒狀態(Schwarz & Clore,1983)或者他們的判斷是否基于積極情緒狀態的頻率或強度(Diener,Larson,Levine & Emmons,1985)。從更一般的角度來看,對心理幸福感的研究興趣增加是由于認識到心理學領域自誕生以來,一直比關注積極功能的原因和后果更多地關注人類的不快樂和痛苦(Diener,1984;Jahoda,1958)。本研究的前提是,在這個領域中最根本的層面,即定義心理幸福感的基本特征這一任務,一直被特別忽視。有人認為,許多早期文獻是建立在缺乏理論依據的幸福感概念基礎上的,因此忽視了積極功能的重要方面。本文提出了一個基于多個理論領域的整合的替代性概念。一旦具體化,這種表述隨后就與過去的文獻中的幸福感指標進行對比,以評估理論指導的概念是否定義了在早期實證研究中尚未顯現的積極功能的新維度。

This research was supported by the Research Committee of the Graduate School of the University of Wisconsin—Madison. Special thanks are extended to Adena Bargad, Tim Blakeslee, Catherine O’Leary, and Stevens Smith for their contributions to various phases of this study. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Carol D. Ryff, Department of Psychology, Brogdan Hall, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 53706.

本研究得到了威斯康星大學麥迪遜分校研究生院研究委員會的支持。特別感謝 Adena Bargad、Tim Blakeslee、Catherine O’Leary 和 Stevens Smith 對本研究各個階段的貢獻。關于本文的通信應寄給威斯康星大學麥迪遜分校心理學系 Carol D. Ryff,地址為:Brogdan Hall,威斯康星州麥迪遜市,郵編 53706。

Current Formulations of Well-Being: A Critique

當前幸福感的公式:批評

Although current indexes of subjective well-being have been extensively evaluated (e.g., Diener, 1984; Larson, Diener, & Emmons, 1985), such assessments have focused largely on the reliability and validity of existing measures. Thus, it is known that single - item indicators of well - being are less reliable than multi - item scales, that social desirability is not a major confound in this literature, and that ratings of life satisfaction tend to be more stable than affective aspects of well - being. When it comes to articulating the basic structure of psychological well - being, discussions nearly always center around the distinction between positive and negative affect and life satisfaction (Andrews & Withey, 1976; Bradburn, 1969; Bryant & Veroff, 1982; Diener & Emmons, 1984; Liang, 1984, 1985; Stock, Okun, & Benin, 1986). Because these dimensions are central to this literature, it is relevant to examine their origins. Bradburn’s (1969) classic work on the structure of psychological well - being provided the initial distinction between positive and negative affect. The aim of this research was to learn how certain macrolevel social changes (e.g., changes in education levels, employment patterns, urbanization, or political tensions) affected the life situations of individual citizens and, in turn, their sense of psychological well - being. A central question was what should be used as a dependent variable in studying these “difficulties in living” (p. 5). In reflecting on this issue, Bradburn stated that

盡管目前對主觀幸福感的指標進行了廣泛評估(例如,Diener,1984;Larson,Diener & Emmons,1985),但這些評估主要集中在現有測量方法的可靠性和有效性上。因此,人們已經知道,單一項目的幸福感指標比多項目量表的可靠性低,社會期望在這一文獻中并不是一個主要的混淆因素,而且生活滿意度的評分往往比幸福感的情感方面更穩定。當涉及到闡述心理幸福感的基本結構時,討論幾乎總是圍繞積極情感、消極情感和生活滿意度之間的區別展開(Andrews & Withey,1976;Bradburn,1969;Bryant & Veroff,1982;Diener & Emmons,1984;Liang,1984,1985;Stock,Okun & Benin,1986)。由于這些維度是這一文獻的核心,因此有必要考察它們的起源。Bradburn(1969)關于心理幸福感結構的經典研究首次區分了積極情感和消極情感。這項研究的目的是了解某些宏觀層面的社會變化(例如,教育水平的變化、就業模式、城市化或政治緊張局勢)如何影響個體公民的生活狀況,進而影響他們的心理幸福感。一個核心問題是,在研究這些“生活的困難”時,應該使用什么作為因變量(第 5 頁)。在思考這個問題時,Bradburn 表示:

“There are no clear-cut criteria for making this choice. Indeed, much of the art of scientific investigation lies in the choice of the variables to study; and the difference between success and failure appears to lie more in the realm of intuition and luck than the scientific enterprise, (p. 6)”

“對于做出這種選擇,并沒有明確的標準。事實上,科學研究的藝術很大程度上在于選擇要研究的變量;而成功與失敗的區別似乎更多地在于直覺和運氣,而不是科學事業本身(第 6 頁)”

Following from common sense as well as historical reasons, Bradburn (1969) and colleagues decided to focus on happiness as the outcome variable. Reference was made to Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (1947), which states that the highest of all goods achievable by human action is happiness (the latter term serving as the translation for the Greek word eudaimonia). The subsequent decision to operationalize happiness as the balance between positive and negative affect was essentially an empirical one. That is, pilot investigations had revealed that answers to questions about positive functioning (e.g., “During the past few weeks did you ever feel pleased about having accomplished something?”) did not predict answers to questions about negative functioning (e.g., “During the past few weeks did you ever feel upset because someone criticized you?”) The two dimensions were also found to have different correlates—hence, the argument that positive and negative affect are distinct dimensions of well-being and that the balance between them serves as an index of happiness. Two observations are pertinent to the assessment of this ground-breaking study. First, the central objective of the research was not to define the basic structure of psychological well-being. Rather, the focus was on social change, of which little occurred over the 1 - year period during which the study was conducted. The demonstration that positive and negative affect were independent appeared to be a serendipitous finding of a study conceived for other purposes. Second, it is questionable whether the Greek word eudaimonia is properly translated as happiness. Waterman (1984) has argued that such a translation suggests an equivalence between eudaimonism and hedonism, which would have been contrary to the important distinction made by the Greeks between the gratification of right desires and wrong desires. From this alternative perspective, eudaimonia is more precisely defined as “the feelings accompanying behavior in the direction of, and consistent with, one’s true potential” (Waterman, 1984, p. 16). Daimon, then, is an ideal in the sense of an excellence, a perfection toward which one strives, and it gives meaning and direction to one’s life. Had Aristotle’s view of eudaimonia as the highest of all good been translated as realization of one’s true potential rather than as happiness, the past 20 years of research on psychological well-being might well have taken different directions.

根據常識以及歷史原因,Bradburn(1969)及其同事決定將幸福感作為結果變量。他們引用了亞里士多德的《尼各馬科倫理學》(1947),其中指出,人類行為所能實現的最高善是幸福(后者的術語是希臘詞 eudaimonia 的翻譯)。隨后將幸福感具體化為積極情感與消極情感之間的平衡,本質上是一個實證決定。也就是說,初步研究表明,關于積極功能的問題(例如,“在過去的幾周里,你是否因為完成某件事而感到高興?”)的答案并不能預測關于消極功能的問題(例如,“在過去的幾周里,你是否因為受到別人的批評而感到不安?”)的答案。這兩個維度也被發現有不同的相關性——因此,積極情感和消極情感是幸福感的兩個不同維度,它們之間的平衡可以作為幸福感的指標。對于這項開創性研究的評估,有兩個觀點值得關注。首先,這項研究的核心目標并不是定義心理幸福感的基本結構。相反,重點是社會變化,在這項研究進行的 1 年期間,社會變化很少。積極情感和消極情感的獨立性似乎是一個偶然發現,而這項研究最初并不是為了這個目的而設計的。其次,希臘詞 eudaimonia 是否被正確地翻譯為幸福感是值得懷疑的。Waterman(1984)認為,這種翻譯暗示了 eudaimonism 和 hedonism 之間的等同性,這與希臘人對正當欲望和錯誤欲望的滿足之間的重要區別背道而馳。從這種替代視角來看,eudaimonia 更精確地被定義為“伴隨著朝著并符合一個人真正潛力的方向的行為的情感”(Waterman,1984,第 16 頁)。因此,daimon 是一種卓越的理想,是人們努力追求的完美境界,它賦予了生活意義和方向。如果將亞里士多德對 eudaimonia 作為最高善的看法翻譯為實現一個人的真正潛力,而不是幸福,那么過去 20 年關于心理幸福感的研究可能會朝著不同的方向發展。

Happiness, however, has not been the only indicator of positive psychological functioning in previous empirical studies. Much literature has also been generated on well - being defined as life satisfaction. Prominent measures in this domain (e.g., Life Satisfaction Index, or LSI; Neugarten, Havighurst, & Tobin, 1961) were also developed for purposes other than defining the basic structure of psychological well - being. The LSI, for example, was constructed to differentiate persons who were aging successfully from those who were not. The general neglect of theory in formulating life satisfaction and related constructs, such as morale, has been acknowledged as a significant limitation of these gerontological research instruments (Sauer & Warland, 1982). The absence of theory notwithstanding, efforts to define the structure of well - being on the basis of these measures persists. Recent investigations have tested various models of subjective well - being (e.g., Liang, 1984,1985; Liang & BoUen, 1983; Stock et al., 1986), using multivariate analyses of the LSI, the Affect Balance Scale, and the Philadelphia Geriatric Center Morale Scale (Lawton, 1975). These structural analyses continue to emphasize a basic distinction between positive and negative affect as well as various other factors (e.g., congruence, long - term positive effect). The point of this brief review is to bring attention to the fact that the literature on psychological well - being was not, in its inception, strongly theory - guided. Instruments were developed for other purposes, and these then became the standard bearers for defining positive functioning. Such conceptions continue to serve as outcome variables in a vast array of studies aimed at identifying factors that influence well - being and predicting who has it. Even ongoing efforts to define the basic structure of well - being follow from multivariate analyses of these early instruments. As noted earlier, the central argument of this research is that these prior formulations neglect important aspects of positive psychological functioning. To understand what is missing, it is necessary to consider another literature that, despite its central concern with defining positive functioning, has rarely been a part of the empirical agenda on psychological well - being.

然而,幸福感并不是以往實證研究中積極心理功能的唯一指標。關于將幸福感定義為生活滿意度的文獻也很多。在這個領域中,一些重要的測量方法(例如,生活滿意度指數,即 LSI;Neugarten,Havighurst & Tobin,1961)也是為了其他目的而不是定義心理幸福感的基本結構而開發的。例如,LSI 是為了區分成功老齡化的人和不成功的人而構建的。在制定生活滿意度及相關構念(如士氣)時,理論的普遍缺失被認為是這些老年學研究工具的一個重要局限性(Sauer & Warland,1982)。盡管缺乏理論,但基于這些測量方法來定義幸福感結構的努力仍在繼續。最近的研究已經測試了各種主觀幸福感的模型(例如,Liang,1984,1985;Liang & BoUen,1983;Stock 等人,1986),使用了 LSI、情緒平衡量表和費城老年中心士氣量表(Lawton,1975)的多變量分析。這些結構分析繼續強調積極情感和消極情感之間的基本區別以及其他各種因素(例如,一致性、長期積極效應)。這個簡短的綜述的目的是讓人們注意到,心理幸福感的文獻在其起源時并不是以理論為導向的。這些工具是為其他目的開發的,然后成為定義積極功能的標準。這些概念繼續作為結果變量,用于大量旨在識別影響幸福感的因素并預測誰擁有幸福感的研究。即使是目前正在進行的定義幸福感基本結構的努力,也是基于這些早期工具的多變量分析。正如前面提到的,本研究的核心論點是這些早期的公式忽視了積極心理功能的重要方面。要了解缺失了什么,有必要考慮另一類文獻,盡管其核心是定義積極功能,但很少成為心理幸福感實證議程的一部分。

Contours of Well-Being: Alternative Perspectives

幸福感的輪廓:替代視角

The extensive literature aimed at defining positive psychological functioning includes such perspectives as Maslow’s (1968) conception of self - actualization, Rogers’s (1961) view of the fully functioning person, Jung’s (1933; Von Franz, 1964) formulation of individuation, and Allport’s (1961) conception of maturity. A further domain of theory for defining psychological well - being follows from life span developmental perspectives, which emphasize the differing challenges confronted at various phases of the life cycle. Included here are Erikson’s (1959) psychosocial stages model, Buhler’s basic life tendencies that work toward the fulfillment of life (Buhler, 1935; Buhler & Massarik, 1968), and Neugarten’s (1968,1973) descriptions of personality change in adulthood and old age. Jahoda’s (1958) positive criteria of mental health, generated to replace definitions of well - being as the absence of illness, also offer extensive descriptions of what it means to be in good psychological health. These perspectives have had meager empirical impact (see Ryff, 1982, 1985). One obvious reason is that few of them have been accompanied by credible assessment procedures. Researchers attracted to such formulations have been immobilized by the absence of valid measures. A second major stumbling block is that the criteria of well - being generated are diverse and extensive. It is difficult to determine which among the many descriptions should serve as the essential features of positive psychological functioning. A third objection has been the claim that this literature is hopelessly value laden in its pronouncements about how people should function. Ryff (1989a) has argued that the preceding perspectives, despite their loose conceptualizations, can be integrated into a more parsimonious summary. That is, when one reviews the characteristics of well - being described in these various formulations, it becomes apparent that many theorists have written about similar features of positive psychological functioning. These points of convergence in the prior theories constitute the core dimensions of the alternative formulation of psychological well - being pursued in this research. They are briefly summarized here (detailed descriptions of the characteristics and how they were derived are available in Ryff, 1989a). A major aim of the present study was to operationalize these dimensions.

旨在定義積極心理功能的廣泛文獻包括馬斯洛(Maslow,1968)的自我實現概念、羅杰斯(Rogers,1961)對完全功能人的看法、榮格(Jung,1933;Von Franz,1964)的個體化公式以及奧爾波特(Allport,1961)對成熟的看法。另一個用于定義心理幸福感的理論領域是基于生命周期發展視角,強調在生命周期的不同階段所面臨的不同挑戰。其中包括埃里克森(Erikson,1959)的心理社會發展階段模型、布勒(Buhler,1935;Buhler & Massarik,1968)的基本生命傾向,這些傾向致力于實現生命的價值,以及紐加滕(Neugarten,1968,1973)對成年期和老年期人格變化的描述。喬達(Jahoda,1958)提出的積極心理健康標準旨在取代將幸福感定義為無病狀態的定義,也對良好的心理健康的含義進行了廣泛描述。這些觀點對實證研究的影響甚微(參見 Ryff,1982,1985)。一個顯而易見的原因是,其中很少有觀點附帶有可信的評估程序。被這些觀點吸引的研究人員由于缺乏有效的測量方法而陷入僵局。第二個主要障礙是,所生成的幸福感標準是多種多樣的,范圍廣泛。很難確定在眾多描述中,哪些應該作為積極心理功能的基本特征。第三個反對意見是,有人聲稱這一文獻在其關于人們應該如何發揮作用的聲明中充滿了價值觀。Ryff(1989a)認為,盡管這些觀點的概念化較為松散,但可以將它們整合到一個更簡潔的總結中。也就是說,當人們回顧這些不同觀點中描述的幸福感特征時,會發現許多理論家都寫過關于積極心理功能的相似特征。這些先前理論中的共同點構成了本研究中追求的心理幸福感的替代性表述的核心維度。它們在這里被簡要總結(關于這些特征及其推導的詳細描述可在 Ryff,1989a 中找到)。本研究的一個主要目標是將這些維度具體化。

Self - acceptance.

自我接納

The most recurrent criterion of well - being evident in the previous perspectives is the individual’s sense of self - acceptance. This is defined as a central feature of mental health as well as a characteristic of self - actualization, optimal functioning, and maturity. Life span theories also emphasize acceptance of self and of one’s past life. Thus, holding positive attitudes toward oneself emerges as a central characteristic of positive psychological functioning.

在先前的觀點中,最常出現的幸福感標準是個體的自我接納感。這被認為是心理健康的核心特征,也是自我實現、最佳功能和成熟的特征。生命周期理論也強調對自我和自己過去生活的接納。因此,對自己的積極態度成為積極心理功能的核心特征。

Positive relations with others. Many of the preceding theories emphasize the importance of warm, trusting interpersonal relations. The ability to love is viewed as a central component of mental health. Self - actualizers are described as having strong feelings of empathy and affection for all human beings and as being capable of greater love, deeper friendship, and more complete identification with others. Warm relating to others is posed as a criterion of maturity. Adult developmental stage theories also emphasize the achievement of close unions with others (intimacy) and the guidance and direction of others (generativity). Thus, the importance of positive relations with others is repeatedly stressed in these conceptions of psychological well - being.

與他人建立積極關系。許多先前的理論強調溫暖、信任的人際關系的重要性。愛的能力被視為心理健康的核心組成部分。自我實現者被描述為對所有人類都有強烈的同理心和感情,并且能夠擁有更偉大的愛、更深厚的友誼以及與他人更完全的認同。與他人建立溫暖的關系被視為成熟的標準。成年發展階段理論也強調與他人建立親密關系(親密性)以及指導和引導他人(生成性)。因此,在這些心理幸福感的概念中,反復強調了與他人建立積極關系的重要性。

Autonomy.

自主性

There is considerable emphasis in the prior literature on such qualities as self - determination, independence, and the regulation of behavior from within. Self - actualizers, for example, are described as showing autonomous functioning and resistance to enculturation. The fully functioning person is also described as having an internal locus of evaluation, whereby one does not look to others for approval, but evaluates oneself by personal standards. Individuation is seen to involve a deliverance from convention, in which the person no longer clings to the collective fears, beliefs, and laws of the masses. The process of turning inward in the later years is also seen by life span developmentalists to give the person a sense of freedom from the norms governing everyday life. Environmental mastery. The individual’s ability to choose or create environments suitable to his or her psychic conditions is defined as a characteristic of mental health. Maturity is seen to require participation in a significant sphere of activity outside of self. Life span development is also described as requiring the ability to manipulate and control complex environments. These theories emphasize one’s ability to advance in the world and change it creatively through physical or mental activities. Successful aging also emphasizes the extent to which the individual takes advantage of environmental opportunities. These combined perspectives suggest that active participation in and mastery of the environment are important ingredients of an integrated framework of positive psychological functioning.

在早期文獻中,對自我決定、獨立性和內在行為調節等品質給予了相當的重視。例如,自我實現者被描述為表現出自主功能并對文化適應具有抵抗力。完全功能的人也被描述為具有內在的評價中心,在這里,一個人不是尋求他人的認可,而是根據個人標準來評價自己。個體化被認為涉及從傳統中解脫出來,在這種情況下,個人不再依附于大眾的集體恐懼、信仰和法律。生命周期發展學家還認為,晚年向內轉的過程也使個人擺脫了日常生活的規范,從而獲得了一種自由感。環境掌控。個人選擇或創造適合其心理條件的環境的能力被認為是心理健康的一個特征。成熟被認為需要參與自我之外的重要活動領域。生命周期發展也被描述為需要操縱和控制復雜環境的能力。這些理論強調個人通過身體或心理活動在世界上進步并創造性地改變世界的能力。成功老齡化也強調個人利用環境機會的程度。這些綜合觀點表明,積極參與并掌控環境是積極心理功能的綜合框架的重要組成部分。

Purpose in life. Mental health is defined to include beliefs that give one the feeling there is purpose in and meaning to life. The definition of maturity also emphasizes a clear comprehension of life’s purpose, a sense of directedness, and intentionality. The life span developmental theories refer to a variety of changing purposes or goals in life, such as being productive and creative or achieving emotional integration in later life. Thus, one who functions positively has goals, intentions, and a sense of direction, all of which contribute to the feeling that life is meaningful.

生活目標。心理健康被定義為包括那些讓人覺得生活有目標和意義的信念。成熟的定義也強調對人生目標的清晰理解、方向感和意向性。生命周期發展理論提到了生活中各種變化的目標或目的,例如富有成效和創造力,或者在晚年實現情感整合。因此,積極發揮作用的人有目標、意圖和方向感,所有這些都讓人覺得生活是有意義的。

Personal growth.

個人成長

Optimal psychological functioning requires not only that one achieve the prior characteristics, but also that one continue to develop one’s potential, to grow and expand as a person. The need to actualize oneself and realize one’s potentialities is central to the clinical perspectives on personal growth. Openness to experience, for example, is a key characteristic of the fully functioning person. Such an individual is continually developing and becoming, rather than achieving a fixed state wherein all problems are solved. Life span theories also give explicit emphasis to continued growth and the confronting of new challenges or tasks at different periods of life. Thus, continued personal growth and self - realization is a prominent theme in the aforementioned theories. It may also be the dimension of well - being that comes closest to Aristotle’s notion of eudaimonia as described earlier. In sum, the integration of mental health, clinical, and life span developmental theories points to multiple converging aspects of positive psychological functioning. Conceptually, certain of these criteria appear to be separate in meaning from the dimensions that have long guided studies of psychological well - being (e.g., positive and negative affect, life satisfaction). That is, little in the current empirical literature emphasizes such qualities as positive relations with others, autonomy, purpose in life, or personal growth as key components of well - being. The empirical challenge, therefore, is to operationalize these theory - guided dimensions so that they may be examined vis - a - vis the reigning indexes of positive functioning. Such comparisons will clarify whether the alternative approach affords criteria of psychological well - being that are theoretically and empirically distinct from existing formulations.

最佳心理功能不僅需要個人實現上述特征,還需要個人繼續發展自己的潛力,作為一個人不斷成長和擴展。實現自我和實現自己的潛力是臨床視角下個人成長的核心。例如,對經驗的開放性是完全功能人的關鍵特征。這樣的人總是在不斷發展和成長,而不是達到一個所有問題都得到解決的固定狀態。生命周期理論也明確強調在生命的不同時期繼續成長以及面對新的挑戰或任務。因此,持續的個人成長和自我實現是上述理論中的一個重要主題。這也可能是最接近前面描述的亞里士多德關于 eudaimonia 概念的幸福感維度。總之,心理健康、臨床和生命周期發展理論的整合指出了積極心理功能的多個匯聚方面。從概念上講,其中某些標準似乎在意義上與長期以來指導心理幸福感研究的維度(例如,積極和消極情感、生活滿意度)是分開的。也就是說,目前的實證文獻中很少強調與他人建立積極關系、自主性、生活目標或個人成長等品質是幸福感的關鍵組成部分。因此,實證挑戰是將這些理論指導的維度具體化,以便與現有的積極功能指標進行對比。這樣的對比將闡明替代方法是否提供了與現有公式在理論和實證上都不同的心理幸福感標準。

Method

方法

Sample

樣本

Respondents consisted of 321 men and women divided among young, middle - aged, and older adults. Multiple age groups were selected so that it would be possible to examine the life course patterning of the previously described dimensions of well - being. The young adults (n = 133, mean age = 19.53, SD = 1.57) were contacted through an educational institution, and the middle - aged adults (n = 108, mean age = 49.85, SD = 9.35) and the older adults (n = 80, mean age = 74.96, SD = 7.11) were contacted through community and civic organizations. The educational levels of the three groups were quite high. Nearly 60% of the middle - aged respondents had completed 4 years of college, and almost a third had completed graduate school. For the older adult group, approximately 47% had completed 4 years of college, and an additional 30% had done some graduate work. With regard to health ratings, the older respondents had significantly lower self - ratings than the middle - aged or young adult groups, F(2,319) = 3.59, p < .001, but analysis of the response frequencies by health category revealed that 82.6% of the older respondents rated their health as excellent or good. Only 2.5% rated their health as poor. With regard to financial status, the vast majority of respondents rated their situation as excellent or good. There were, however, sex differences, with women overall rating their finances less positively than men, F(1, 319) = 6.48, p < .05. Nearly all of the young adults were single, most of the middle - aged respondents were married, and about half of the older respondents were married. As age trends would predict, nearly one third of the older individuals were widowed. In terms of religious background, most of the sample were Catholic or Protestant. Overall, then, this was a sample of relatively healthy, well - educated, financially comfortable respondents. Although these characteristics limit the overall generalizability of the findings, they do provide a useful context for the assessment of optimal psychological functioning.

受試者包括 321 名男性和女性,分為年輕人、中年人和老年人。選擇多個年齡組是為了能夠考察上述幸福感維度的生命歷程模式。年輕人(n = 133,平均年齡 = 19.53 歲,標準差 = 1.57)通過教育機構聯系,中年人(n = 108,平均年齡 = 49.85 歲,標準差 = 9.35)和老年人(n = 80,平均年齡 = 74.96 歲,標準差 = 7.11)通過社區和民間組織聯系。三個群體的教育水平都很高。近 60% 的中年受試者完成了四年大學學業,幾乎三分之一完成了研究生學業。對于老年組,約 47% 的人完成了四年大學學業,另外 30% 的人接受過一些研究生教育。在健康評分方面,老年受試者的自我評分明顯低于中年或年輕人群,F(2,319)= 3.59,p < .001,但按健康類別分析反應頻率發現,82.6% 的老年受試者認為自己的健康狀況良好或優秀。只有 2.5% 的人認為自己的健康狀況差。在財務狀況方面,絕大多數受試者認為自己的狀況良好或優秀。然而,存在性別差異,女性總體上對自己的財務狀況評價不如男性積極,F(1,319)= 6.48,p < .05。幾乎所有年輕人都未婚,大多數中年受試者已婚,大約一半的老年受試者已婚。正如年齡趨勢所預測的那樣,近三分之一的老年人是喪偶者。在宗教背景方面,大多數樣本是天主教徒或新教徒。總的來說,這是一個相對健康、受過良好教育、經濟舒適的受試者樣本。盡管這些特征限制了研究結果的整體可推廣性,但它們為評估最佳心理功能提供了一個有用的背景。

Measures

測量

A primary objective of this research was to operationalize the six dimensions of psychological well - being generated from the integration of the previously discussed theories. To maximize the fit between the assessment instruments and the conceptual literature, new measures were constructed. Although existing inventories include scales of similar names (e.g., the Self - Acceptance scale of the California Psychological Inventory), these instruments were developed for other purposes, and their items do not reflect the conceptual definitions guiding the present study. The scale construction and assessment procedures for the new measures follow. As these instruments were administered jointly with other well - used indexes of psychological well - being, a further section details the measures used in the prior literature. Construction and assessment of new measures of well - being. The operationalization of the proposed dimensions of psychological well - being is based on the construct - oriented approach to personality assessment (Wiggins, 1973). Of key importance in the empirical translation is the presence of psychological theory that specifies the constructs of interest. Each of the six dimensions described earlier are theoretical constructs that point to different aspects of positive functioning. The objective is to develop structured, self - report instruments that serve as indicators of these constructs. The procedures also parallel those followed in operationalizing a subset of the previous theories, namely, life span developmental conceptions (see Ryff & Heincke, 1983). The scale construction process was begun by writing definitions for the six dimensions of well - being. These were derived from their theoretical formulations (see Ryff, 1989a). The scale definitions, presented in terms of high versus low scorers, are presented in Table 1.

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On the basis of the bipolar scale definitions, approximately 80 items were generated for each scale, with half written for each pole of the definition. The items were generated by three item writers whose instructions were to write self - descriptive items that fit with the theoretical definitions and that could be applicable to both sexes as well as to adults of any age. The items generated by these procedures were subjected to preliminary evaluations according to the following criteria: ambiguity or redundancy of the items, lack of fit of the items with their scale definitions, lack of distinctness of items with items from other scales, inability of items to produce variable responses, and whether all aspects of the scale definitions were covered by the items. On the basis of these procedures, over half of the items from each scale were deleted. The remaining item pools, consisting of 32 items per scale (16 positive and 16 negative) were administered to the research sample of 321 young, middle - aged, and older adults. Respondents rated themselves on each item according to a 6 - point scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. Using these data, item - to - scale correlations were computed for all of the items with all of the scales. Items that correlated more highly with a scale other than their own or that showed low correlations with their total scale were deleted. The internal consistency (α) coefficients for the scales were as follows: self - acceptance, .93; positive relations with others, .91; autonomy, .86; environmental mastery, .90; purpose in life, .90; and personal growth, .87. Each scale at this stage consisted of 20 items, divided approximately equally between positive and negative items.

本研究的主要目標是將上述理論整合生成的心理幸福感的六個維度具體化。為了最大限度地使評估工具與概念文獻相匹配,構建了新的測量方法。盡管現有的量表中包含名稱相似的量表(例如,加利福尼亞心理量表中的自我接納量表),但這些工具是為其他目的開發的,其條目并不反映指導本研究的概念定義。新測量方法的構建和評估程序如下。由于這些工具是與過去常用的其他心理幸福感指數一起使用的,因此在后面的部分詳細介紹了過去文獻中使用的測量方法。構建和評估新的幸福感測量方法。所提出的心理幸福感維度的具體化基于人格評估的構建導向方法(Wiggins,1973)。在實證轉換中,關鍵是要有指定感興趣構建的心理理論。前面描述的六個維度都是指向積極功能不同方面的理論構建。目標是開發出結構化的自我報告工具,作為這些構建的指標。這些程序也與過去理論的一個子集(即生命周期發展觀念)的具體化過程相似(參見 Ryff & Heincke,1983)。量表構建過程首先為幸福感的六個維度編寫定義。這些定義是根據其理論公式推導出來的(參見 Ryff,1989a)。量表定義以高分者與低分者對比的形式呈現,見表 1。根據雙極量表定義,每個量表大約生成了 80 個項目,其中一半為定義的每個極點編寫。這些項目由三名項目編寫者生成,他們的指示是編寫符合理論定義的自我描述項目,并且可以適用于不同性別以及任何年齡的成年人。根據這些程序生成的項目根據以下標準進行了初步評估:項目是否模糊或冗余,項目是否不符合其量表定義,項目與其他量表的項目是否缺乏區別,項目是否無法產生不同的反應,以及量表定義的所有方面是否都被項目涵蓋。根據這些程序,每個量表中超過一半的項目被刪除。剩下的項目池由每個量表的 32 個項目組成(16 個正面項目和 16 個負面項目),并應用于由 321 名年輕、中年和老年成年人組成的樣本。受試者根據 6 點量表(從“非常同意”到“非常不同意”)對每個項目進行自我評價。利用這些數據,計算了所有項目與所有量表的項目與量表的相關性。與自身量表相關性較低或與其他量表相關性較高的項目被刪除。量表的內部一致性(α)系數如下:自我接納為 0.93,與他人建立積極關系為 0.91,自主性為 0.86,環境掌控為 0.90,生活目標為 0.90,個人成長為 0.87。在這一階段,每個量表由 20 個項目組成,正面項目和負面項目大致相等。

The test - retest reliability coefficients for the 20 - item scales over a 6 - week period on a subsample of respondents (n = 117) were as follows: self - acceptance, .85; positive relations with others, .83; autonomy, .88; environmental mastery, .81; purpose in life, .82; and personal growth, .81. Evidence for the validity of the scales is examined in the Results section. Before presenting those findings, a brief summary of the measures of well - being from the prior literature included in the assessment battery is presented. Prior measures of well - being. Six measures of psychological functioning were administered to the respondents in order to provide comparative information regarding the newly constructed measures. These instruments were selected because of their prominence in previous studies on psychological well - being and adjustment in middle and later life. Although the relation between the new measures and the broad domain of personality is also of interest and is an important avenue for future investigation, the present objective was to test the assertion that existing indexes of psychological well - being do not address aspects of positive functioning emphasized in the theoretical literature. As such, it was imperative to use measures from the well - being domain. These instruments are detailed in the following paragraphs.

在對 117 名受試者的一個子樣本進行 6 周的測試 - 再測試期間,20 個項目量表的可靠性系數如下:自我接納為 0.85,與他人建立積極關系為 0.83,自主性為 0.88,環境掌控為 0.81,生活目標為 0.82,個人成長為 0.81。量表的有效性證據在結果部分進行檢驗。在介紹這些發現之前,先簡要總結一下評估工具中包含的過去文獻中的幸福感測量方法。過去的幸福感測量方法。為了提供有關新構建測量方法的比較信息,對受試者進行了六種心理功能測量。選擇這些工具是因為它們在以往關于中年和晚年心理幸福感和適應性的研究中具有突出地位。盡管新測量方法與人格廣泛領域之間的關系也令人感興趣,并且是未來研究的一個重要方向,但目前的目標是檢驗現有心理幸福感指數是否沒有涉及理論文獻中強調的積極功能方面的說法。因此,使用幸福感領域的測量工具是至關重要的。這些工具在以下段落中詳細介紹。

1. Affect Balance Scale. As noted earlier, Bradburn (1969) developed the Affect Balance Scale to measure psychological well - being, which was defined as avowed happiness. The measure consists of a 10 - item scale, with 5 items that measure positive affect and 5 that measure negative affect. Scoring is conducted by giving respondents a value of 1 for each yes response to the items making up the scale. The responses are summed separately for the positive affect and negative affect items. The difference between the scores is then computed, and a constant is added to remove negative summary scores. Bradburn (1969) reported test - retest reliability on a sample of 200 over a 3 - day period for positive affect, negative affect, and affect balance to be respectively, .83, .81, and .76. With regard to validity, Bradburn showed that positive affect correlated with single - item indicators of happiness from .34 to .38 and with corresponding values for negative affect at —.33 and —.38. Bradburn had hypothesized that positive and negative affect were distinct dimensions; this was supported by small associations between the scales (.04 - .15). Factor analyses have also indicated distinct orthogonal dimensions.

1. 情感平衡量表。如前所述,Bradburn(1969)開發了情感平衡量表,用于測量心理幸福感,其被定義為公開宣稱的幸福感。該量表由 10 個項目組成,其中 5 個項目測量積極情感,5 個項目測量消極情感。評分是通過為量表中的每個“是”回答給予受試者 1 分來進行的。積極情感和消極情感項目的反應分別求和。然后計算得分之間的差異,并加上一個常數以消除負的總分。Bradburn(1969)報告稱,在 200 名樣本中,經過 3 天的測試 - 再測試,積極情感、消極情感和情感平衡的可靠性分別為 0.83、0.81 和 0.76。關于有效性,Bradburn 表明,積極情感與幸福感的單一項目指標相關性為 0.34 至 0.38,而消極情感的相關值為 - 0.33 和 - 0.38。Bradburn 曾假設積極情感和消極情感是不同的維度;這一假設得到了量表之間的小相關性(0.04 - 0.15)的支持。因子分析也表明了不同的正交維度。

2. Life satisfaction. The Life Satisfaction Index (LSI) was developed as part of the Kansas City Study of Adult Life (Neugarten et al., 1961) to measure the individual’s evaluation of his or her own psychological well - being. Life satisfaction was defined as including five components: zest (versus apathy), resolution and fortitude, congruence between desired and achieved goals, positive self - concept, and mood tone. The Life Satisfaction Index A (LSI - A) consists of 20 statements with which the respondent agrees or disagrees. Neugarten et al. (1961) reported the mean score on the LSI - A to be 12.4 (SD = 4.4). Scores on the LSI - A correlated .39 with clinical ratings. Reliability of the LSI - Z, which consists of 13 of the LSI - A items, was .79. Although life satisfaction has been described as the most widely studied variable in aging research (Maddox & Wiley, 1976), evidence for its reliability and validity has not been extensive (Sauer & Warland, 1982).

2. 生活滿意度。生活滿意度指數(LSI)是作為堪薩斯城成人生活研究(Neugarten 等人,1961)的一部分開發的,用于測量個體對自己心理幸福感的評估。生活滿意度被定義為包括五個組成部分:熱情(與冷漠相反)、決心和堅韌、期望目標與實現目標之間的一致性、積極的自我概念以及情緒基調。生活滿意度指數 A(LSI - A)由 20 個陳述組成,受試者可以表示同意或不同意。Neugarten 等人(1961)報告稱,LSI - A 的平均得分為 12.4(標準差 = 4.4)。LSI - A 的得分與臨床評分的相關性為 0.39。LSI - Z(由 LSI - A 的 13 個項目組成)的可靠性為 0.79。盡管生活滿意度被認為是老齡化研究中最廣泛研究的變量(Maddox & Wiley,1976),但關于其可靠性和有效性的證據并不充分(Sauer & Warland,1982)。

3. Self - esteem. Rosenberg (1965) defined self - esteem as self - acceptance, a basic feeling of self - worth. His Self - Esteem Scale was originally developed for high school students, but it has been used extensively with older groups of adults (Breytspraak & George, 1982). The instrument consists of 10 items reported along a 4 - point continuum from strongly agree to strongly disagree. Rosenberg reported a reproducibility coefficient of .92 and a scaleability coefficient of .72. With regard to validity, he reported significant correlations between self - esteem and clinical ratings of depression. The Self - Esteem Scale was included in this study because of its apparent resemblance to the dimension of self - acceptance in the proposed formulation of psychological well - being.

3. 自尊。Rosenberg(1965)將自尊定義為自我接納,即一種基本的自我價值感。他的自尊量表最初是為高中生開發的,但它已被廣泛用于年齡較大的成年人群體(Breytspraak & George,1982)。該工具由 10 個項目組成,受試者可以在從“非常同意”到“非常不同意”的 4 點量表上進行報告。Rosenberg 報告稱,該量表的可重復性系數為 0.92,量表系數為 0.72。關于有效性,他報告稱自尊與臨床抑郁評分之間存在顯著相關性。由于自尊量表顯然與本研究提出的心理幸福感中的自我接納維度相似,因此將其納入本研究。

4. Morale. The Revised Philadelphia Geriatric Center Morale Scale was developed by Lawton (1975). High morale is defined as a basic sense of satisfaction with oneself, a feeling that there is a place in the environment for oneself, and an acceptance of what cannot be changed. It was designed to measure morale among the very old and was based primarily on an institutional population. The original instrument contained 22 items, but it was reduced to 17 items in the revised version. Lawton (1972) reported split - half reliability estimates for the 22 - item scale to be .79 on a sample of 300. The coefficient of internal consistency (Kuder - Richardson 20) was .81. Correlations of the original scale with judges’ ratings ranged from .43 to .57.

4. 士氣。修訂版費城老年中心士氣量表是由 Lawton(1975)開發的。高士氣被定義為對自己基本的滿意度,一種感覺自己在環境中有一席之地的感覺,以及對無法改變的事情的接受。該量表旨在測量非常老年人的士氣,主要基于機構人群。原始工具包含 22 個項目,但在修訂版中減少到 17 個項目。Lawton(1972)報告稱,在 300 名樣本中,22 個項目量表的分半可靠性估計為 0.79。內部一致性系數(Kuder - Richardson 20)為 0.81。原始量表與評分員評分的相關性范圍為 0.43 至 0.57。

5. Locus of control. The newly proposed dimension of autonomy appeared to be similar to notions of control prominent in prior research. Thus, Levenson’s (1974) three locus of control subscales were used to assess these parallels. The subscales were generated in response to the claim that Rotter’s (1966) Internal - External Scale was not unidimensional, but could be separated into various factors: felt mastery over one’s personal life, expectancies of control over political institutions, and one’s beliefs about the role of internal and external forces in society. Levenson’s subscales were designed to measure perceived mastery over one’s life and belief in chance as separate from expectancy for control by powerful others. Two studies were reported that validated the separation of locus of control into the internal, powerful others, and chance dimensions (Levenson, 1974). Each subscale consists of eight items in a Likert format, with a 6 - point scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. The subscales can be scored independently, with a range of possible scores from 0 to 48. Estimates of internal consistency for the subscales compare favorably with those found for the Rotter (1966) scale. Kuder - Richardson reliabilities were .64 for the Internal subscale, .77 for the Powerful Others subscale, and .78 for the Chance subscale. Levenson’s multidimensional scale has also shown adequate test - retest reliability for a 1 - week period: Internal subscale, .64; Powerful Others subscale, .74; and Chance subscale, .78. Factor analysis of the responses of 329 college men supported the conceptualization of three independent dimensions of locus of control. The instrument has been used in studies with aged persons (Lachman, 1986).

5. 控制源。新提出的自主性維度似乎與早期研究中突出的控制觀念相似。因此,使用了 Levenson(1974)的三個控制源分量表來評估這些相似之處。這些分量表是針對 Rotter(1966)的內外控制量表不是單維度的這一說法而生成的,而是可以分為幾個因素:對自己個人生活的掌控感、對政治機構的控制期望以及對社會中內外力量作用的信念。Levenson 的分量表旨在測量對個人生活的感知掌控以及對機會的信念,這與對有權力的他人的控制期望是分開的。有兩篇研究報告驗證了控制源可以分為內部、有權力的他人和機會三個維度(Levenson,1974)。每個分量表由 8 個李克特格式的項目組成,采用 6 點量表,從“非常同意”到“非常不同意”。這些分量表可以獨立計分,可能的得分范圍為 0 到 48。這些分量表的內部一致性估計與 Rotter(1966)量表的結果相當。Kuder - Richardson 可靠性分別為:內部分量表 0.64,有權力的他人分量表 0.77,機會分量表 0.78。Levenson 的多維量表也顯示出 1 周內的測試 - 再測試可靠性良好:內部分量表 0.64,有權力的他人分量表 0.74,機會分量表 0.78。對 329 名大學生的反應進行因子分析支持了控制源三個獨立維度的概念。該工具已在老年人研究中使用(Lachman,1986)。

6. Depression. Much research on psychological well - being has been conducted with measures of maladjustment (Lawton, 1984). In this framework, well - being is conceived of as the absence of illness. Thus, an instrument was included to parallel this approach to well - being. Zung’s (1965) Depression Scale consists of a 20 - item self - rating scale designed to assess depression as a psychiatric disorder. The scale reflects symptoms of the depressive illness such as crying spells, sleep disorders, irritability, eating problems, and so on. In devising the Self - Rating Depression Scale (SDS), Zung used the most commonly found clinical diagnostic criteria. The items were based on these criteria; 10 were worded symptomatically positive and 10 were worded symptomatically negative. Respondents rate each item on a 4 - point scale from none or a little of the time to most or all of the time. The final index is derived by summing values for the 20 items and dividing by a maximum possible score of 80. (In the present study, this final division was omitted so that the scores would be expressed as whole numbers). Mean indexes achieved on the scale for patients diagnosed as having depressive disorders before and after treatment were .74 and .39, respectively. The mean index for patients who were initially diagnosed as having a depressive disorder, but who were discharged as having another disorder, was .53. The mean index for the control group was .33. The presence of sleep disturbance appears to be the most important symptom of the depressive disorder.

6. 抑郁。許多關于心理幸福感的研究都是使用失調的測量方法進行的(Lawton,1984)。在這個框架中,幸福感被視為沒有疾病。因此,包括了一個工具來與這種幸福感的方法相呼應。Zung(1965)的抑郁量表由 20 個自我評分項目組成,旨在評估抑郁作為一種精神疾病。該量表反映了抑郁疾病的癥狀,如哭泣發作、睡眠障礙、易怒、飲食問題等。在設計自評抑郁量表(SDS)時,Zung 使用了最常見的臨床診斷標準。這些項目是基于這些標準的;10 個項目的表述是癥狀性的積極的,10 個是癥狀性的消極的。受試者根據每個項目在 4 點量表上進行評分,從“從不或很少”到“大多數或所有時間”。最終指數是通過將 20 個項目的值相加并除以最大可能得分 80 來得出的。(在本研究中,省略了最后的除法,以便將得分表示為整數)。在治療前后被診斷為抑郁障礙的患者在該量表上的平均指數分別為 0.74 和 0.39。最初被診斷為抑郁障礙但后來被診斷為其他疾病的患者的平均指數為 0.53。對照組的平均指數為 0.33。睡眠障礙的存在似乎是抑郁障礙的最重要癥狀。

Procedures

程序

Items for the new scales of psychological well - being were randomly mixed to create a single instrument. Respondents received this measure along with the six other indexes of well - being. The instruments were self - administered, with the testing time ranging from 45 min to 75 min. The young adults completed the questionnaire in small group sessions at the university. The middle - aged and the older respondents completed their surveys at work or at home and then returned them by mail to the experimenter. Only those individuals who had expressed a willingness to complete the survey were invited to participate. Therefore, the response rate among the two older groups was nearly 100%. Financial contributions were made to the community organizations participating in the study on the basis of the number of their members who returned the questionnaire.

心理幸福感新量表的項目被隨機混合,以創建一個單一工具。受試者收到了這個量表以及其他六個幸福感指數。這些工具是自我管理的,測試時間從 45 分鐘到 75 分鐘不等。年輕人在大學的小型小組會議中完成了問卷。中年和老年受試者在工作或家中完成了調查,并通過郵件將其寄回給實驗者。只有那些表示愿意完成調查的人才被邀請參加。因此,兩個老年組的回應率接近 100%。根據返回問卷的成員數量,向參與研究的社區組織提供了財務貢獻。

Results

結果

The findings are presented in two primary sections. First, the correlational results are examined to assess the empirical distinctness of the new dimensions, among themselves and in comparison to the prior indexes of well - being. Both bivariate and multivariate perspectives on these relations are examined. The second major category of results pertains to the analysis of the life course patterning of the various measures of well - being. Thus, age differences in the self - ratings are examined. Also of interest in these analyses are differences in how men and women rate themselves on the different dimensions of psychological well - being. The contrast between the new and former indexes of positive functioning are emphasized in reviewing these mean - level analyses.

研究結果分為兩個主要部分。首先,檢查相關性結果,以評估新維度之間的實證差異性以及與早期幸福感指數的對比。從雙變量和多變量的角度對這些關系進行了檢驗。第二類主要結果涉及對各種幸福感測量方法的生命歷程模式的分析。因此,對自我評分的年齡差異進行了檢驗。這些分析還關注男性和女性在不同心理幸福感維度上的自我評分差異。在回顧這些均值水平分析時,強調了新舊積極功能指數之間的對比。

Correlational Analyses

相關性分析

Intercorrelations of all of the measures of well - being for the total sample are presented in Table 2.

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These outcomes provide preliminary evidence for the validity of the newly constructed scales of well - being. That is, correlations with prior measures of positive functioning (i.e., life satisfaction, affect balance, self - esteem, internal control, and morale) are all positive and significant, with coefficients ranging from .25 to .73. Similarly, correlations with prior measures of negative functioning (i.e., powerful others, chance control, depression) are all negative and significant, with coefficients ranging from —.30 to —.60. The intercorrelations among the new measures themselves are also of importance. Because the dimensions are all facets of psychological well - being, positive correlations are to be expected. This is in fact the case, with the coefficients ranging from .32 to .76. However, as the coefficients become stronger, they raise the potential problem of the criteria not being empirically distinct from one another. This appears to be the case with certain dimensions, such as self - acceptance and environmental mastery, which correlate .76, and with self - acceptance and purpose in life, which correlate .72. Such outcomes suggest the scales may be measuring the same underlying construct. There are, however, various sources of evidence that suggest distinctness among these theory - derived dimensions. First, the scale construction process required that items of each scale correlate more highly with their own scale than with another. Thus, the item pools of the separate scales are empirically differentiated. Furthermore, although they are highly intercorrelated, these scales show differential patterns with other measures (e.g., purpose in life is highly related to self - acceptance, but has generally lower correlations with life satisfaction, affect balance, and self - esteem than occur between these measures and self - acceptance). Finally, the multivariate and mean - level analyses, which are presented later, reveal that these strongly associated dimensions of positive functioning load on different factors of well - being and show differential age profiles. Thus, although the new criteria are highly related, there is evidence to support the view that they represent different facets of positive psychological functioning. The coefficients in Table 2 are perhaps most relevant with regard to the patterns obtained between the new measures of well - being and those indexes prominent in the prior literature. These findings indicate that certain of the theory - derived criteria - in particular, self - acceptance, environmental mastery, and to some extent purpose in life - are highly correlated (positively or negatively) with prior indexes, especially life satisfaction, affect balance, self - esteem, depression, and morale. Most of these coefficients (i.e., 87%) range between .55 and .73. However, other theory - derived criteria of positive functioning, most notably positive relations with others, autonomy, and personal growth, are not strongly associated with prior indexes. All of these coefficients are in the .25 to .45 range (positive or negative). Thus, these data suggest that, although there is considerable overlap between certain theory - guided dimensions and former indexes of well - being, other criteria following from the theoretical descriptions are not strongly linked to existing assessment instruments. This point is further illustrated with a factor analysis of these measures, which is presented in Table 3.

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The three - factor solution (principal - components analysis, varimax) reveals a general Well - Being factor that consists of most of the earlier indexes of well - being (i.e., life satisfaction, affect balance, morale, self - esteem, depression, internal control) and two of the new dimensions (self - acceptance and environmental mastery). This factor accounts for approximately half (51.1%) of the variance. The second factor consists of new dimensions of well - being (personal growth, purpose in life, positive relations with others) derived from the theoretical literature and accounts for an additional 8.5% of the variance. The third factor combines the newly constructed scale of autonomy with two earlier control measures (powerful others, chance) and accounts for an additional 7.3% of the variance. (It might be noted that essentially the same factor structure is obtained when oblique methods of rotation are used, which allow for intercorrelations among the factors). Thus, although the multivariate findings demonstrate a strong Well - Being factor that encompasses most of the prior measures along with two of the newly constructed indexes, the results also indicate that separate, albeit less powerful, factors of well - being emerge from combinations of the theory - guided dimensions. The substance of these factors underscores the claim that the prior indexes of well - being do not address the aspects of psychological well - being given repeated emphasis in the theoretical literature.

表 2 列出了總樣本中所有幸福感測量方法的相互相關性。這些結果為新構建的幸福感量表的有效性提供了初步證據。也就是說,與早期積極功能測量方法(即生活滿意度、情感平衡、自尊、內部控制和士氣)的相關性均為正相關且顯著,相關系數范圍為 0.25 至 0.73。同樣,與早期消極功能測量方法(即他人權力、機會控制、抑郁)的相關性均為負相關且顯著,相關系數范圍為 - 0.30 至 - 0.60。新測量方法之間的相互相關性也很重要。由于這些維度都是心理幸福感的不同方面,因此預期會呈現正相關。實際上,相關系數范圍為 0.32 至 0.76。然而,隨著相關系數的增大,出現了這些標準可能在實證上并不具有區分度的潛在問題。在某些維度之間似乎出現了這種情況,例如自我接納與環境掌控的相關系數為 0.76,自我接納與生活目標的相關系數為 0.72。這些結果表明,這些量表可能測量的是同一個潛在構念。然而,有各種證據表明這些理論衍生維度之間存在區分度。首先,量表構建過程要求每個量表的條目與其自身的相關性要高于與其他量表的相關性。因此,不同量表的條目池在實證上是有所區分的。此外,盡管這些量表高度相關,但它們與其他測量方法呈現出不同的模式(例如,生活目標與自我接納高度相關,但與生活滿意度、情感平衡和自尊的相關性通常低于這些測量方法與自我接納之間的相關性)。最后,后面將呈現的多變量和均值水平分析表明,這些高度相關的積極功能維度在不同的幸福感因子上具有不同的負荷,并且呈現出不同的年齡特征。因此,盡管新標準高度相關,但有證據支持它們代表了積極心理功能的不同方面。表 2 中的相關系數可能與新幸福感測量方法與早期文獻中突出的指數之間獲得的模式最為相關。這些結果表明,某些理論衍生標準——特別是自我接納、環境掌控以及在某種程度上的生活目標——與早期指數(尤其是生活滿意度、情感平衡、自尊、抑郁和士氣)高度相關(正相關或負相關)。這些相關系數中有 87% 的范圍在 0.55 至 0.73 之間。然而,其他積極功能的理論衍生標準,尤其是與他人建立積極關系、自主性和個人成長,與早期指數的關聯并不緊密。所有這些相關系數均在 0.25 至 0.45 范圍內(正相關或負相關)。因此,這些數據表明,盡管某些理論指導的維度與早期幸福感指數存在相當大的重疊,但其他遵循理論描述的標準與現有的評估工具并沒有很強的聯系。這一點通過這些測量方法的因子分析得到了進一步說明,結果見表 3。三因子解決方案(主成分分析,方差最大法)揭示了一個總體幸福感因子,它包含了大多數早期的幸福感指數(即生活滿意度、情感平衡、士氣、自尊、抑郁、內部控制)以及兩個新維度(自我接納和環境掌控)。該因子解釋了大約一半(51.1%)的方差。第二個因子由理論文獻中衍生出的新幸福感維度(個人成長、生活目標、與他人建立積極關系)組成,額外解釋了 8.5% 的方差。第三個因子將新構建的自主性量表與兩個早期的控制測量方法(他人權力、機會)結合起來,額外解釋了 7.3% 的方差。(需要指出的是,當使用允許因子之間相關的斜交旋轉方法時,基本上可以獲得相同的因子結構)。因此,盡管多變量結果表明一個強大的幸福感因子涵蓋了大多數早期測量方法以及兩個新構建的指數,但結果也表明,從理論指導的維度組合中涌現出其他獨立的(盡管不那么強大的)幸福感因子。這些因子的實質強調了早期幸福感指數沒有涉及理論文獻中反復強調的心理幸福感方面的說法。

Age and Sex Differences on Indexes of Well - Being

幸福感指數的年齡和性別差異

Survey researchers have devoted considerable attention to questions of whether reports of well - being change across the life cycle and whether men and women differ in their self - rated psychological health (e.g., Bryant & Veroff, 1982; Herzog et al., 1982; Veroff et al., 1981). These assessments have generally been exploratory and focused on indexes of life satisfaction and positive and negative affect. Little emphasis has been given to age and sex differences in theoretical conceptions of positive psychological functioning (see Ryff, 1985). Depictions of self - actualization (Maslow, 1968), optimal functioning (Rogers, 1961), or maturity (Allport, 1961) have not included variations by age or differences between men and women. The notable exception is life span developmental theories, which have stressed the differing challenges confronted by individuals as they grow older. These formulations suggested, for example, that certain aspects of well - being such as self - acceptance or autonomy are more easily achieved by the aged (see Buhler & Massarik, 1968; Erikson, 1959), whereas other dimensions (e.g., environmental mastery) are more prominent in the self - perceptions of middle - aged individuals (Neugarten, 1973). Little in the prior literature, however, provides a basis for predicting age variations on the dimensions of positive relations with others, purpose in life, or personal growth. Life span theories have also been generally silent with regard to predictions of sex differences, although recent critiques have emphasized that women’s development is less tied to individualism and autonomy and more focused on interpersonal relations than is men’s (Gilligan, 1982). Given these loose guidelines, the empirical objective was to examine the age patterning and sex differences in the newly constructed dimensions of psychological well - being. Also of interest was how these findings would compare with prior research that had addressed age and sex differences in well - being primarily in terms of happiness and life satisfaction. Newly constructed measures. Age and sex differences on the newly formulated indexes of well - being were examined with a 3 (young, middle - aged, and older adults) × 2 (women or men) multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA). Wilks’s lambda was used as the test of significance. When significant MANOVA effects were obtained, univariate analyses were then interpreted. The Tukey honestly significant difference procedure was used to interpret significant effects involving more than two groups. Means and standard deviations for the new measures by age and sex are presented in Table 4.

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The analysis revealed a significant overall effect of age, F(12, 620) = 5.98, p < .001. This was accounted for by the dimensions of autonomy, F(2,315) = 4.04, p < .05; environmental mastery, F(2,315) = 6.52, p < .01; purpose in life, F(2,315) = 3.97, p < .05; and personal growth, F(2,315) = 4.73, p < .01. The directions of these age differences are illustrated in Figure 1.

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Thus, the general age trends revealed higher scores among the middle - aged respondents, who sometimes scored significantly higher than older adults (purpose in life) and other times higher than young adults (autonomy). Both middle - aged and older adults rated themselves higher on environmental mastery than did young adults. For personal growth, young adults joined middle - aged adults in scoring higher than older adults. The life course profiles for the indexes of self - acceptance and positive relations with others indicated no age differences. A significant overall effect of sex was also obtained, F(6, 310) = 8.65, p < .001. This was accounted for by the measure of positive relations with others, F(1,315) = 17.64, p < .001, on which women scored higher than men. Outcomes for personal growth approached significance, F(1,315) = 3.61, p < .058, with women again scoring higher than men. No other significant sex differences were obtained for any other measures of well - being. There were also no significant Age × Sex interactions in these analyses. Prior indexes of well - being. Age and sex differences on the six prior measures of well - being were analyzed by a series of univariate analyses of variance. (The rationale for univariate analyses was that these scales are derived from diverse conceptual origins. However, the results are essentially the same when preceded by a MANOVA.) Means and standard deviations for these analyses are presented in Table 5.

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Significant age differences were obtained for the measures of affect balance, F(2,314) = 18.90, p < .001; morale, F(2,313) = 4.58, p < .01; chance control, F(2,312) = 9.66, p < .001; and depression, F(2,312) = 17.50, p < .001. These results are summarized in Figure 2,

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which indicates that young adults rated themselves lower than the other two age groups on affect balance and chance control. Middle - aged adults also scored significantly lower than middle - aged respondents on morale. In contrast, older adults scored significantly higher than the two younger groups on the measure of depression. Significant age differences were not obtained for life satisfaction, self - esteem, and two control subscales (Internal and Powerful Others). Main effects of sex were obtained for the measures of internal control, F(1,314) = 5.24, p < .05; morale, F(1,313) = 8.40, p < .01; and depression, F(1,312) = 5.05, p < .05. Men had significantly more positive self - assessments on all of these measures than did women (i.e., higher scores on internal control and morale and lower scores on depression). The measure of life satisfaction approached significance, F(1,314) = 3.81, p < .052, with men again scoring higher than women. Sex differences were not obtained for the measures of affect balance, self - esteem, and two aspects of control (chance, powerful others). Finally, one Age × Sex interaction was obtained for the measure of life satisfaction, F(2,314) = 3.95, p < .05. The interaction reveals decreasing scores for women across the three age periods, whereas men’s scores increase from young adulthood to middle age and then drop slightly in the later years.

調查研究人員對幸福感報告是否會隨著生命周期的變化而變化以及男性和女性在自我評價的心理健康方面是否存在差異給予了相當多的關注(例如,Bryant & Veroff,1982;Herzog 等人,1982;Veroff 等人,1981)。這些評估通常具有探索性,并且集中在生活滿意度以及積極和消極情感的指數上。很少關注年齡和性別在積極心理功能的理論概念上的差異(參見 Ryff,1985)。關于自我實現(Maslow,1968)、最佳功能(Rogers,1961)或成熟(Allport,1961)的描述并沒有包括年齡變化或男性和女性之間的差異。一個顯著的例外是生命周期發展理論,該理論強調個體隨著年齡增長所面臨的不同挑戰。這些理論指出,例如,某些幸福感方面,如自我接納或自主性,更容易被老年人實現(參見 Buhler & Massarik,1968;Erikson,1959),而其他維度(例如,環境掌控)在中年人的自我感知中更為突出(Neugarten,1973)。然而,早期文獻很少提供關于與他人建立積極關系、生活目標或個人成長維度的年齡變化的預測依據。生命周期理論也通常對性別差異的預測保持沉默,盡管最近的批評強調,女性的發展與男性相比,與個人主義和自主性的聯系更少,而更注重人際關系(Gilligan,1982)。鑒于這些粗略的指導方針,實證研究的目標是檢驗新構建的心理幸福感維度的年齡模式和性別差異。同樣令人感興趣的是,這些發現與以往的研究結果相比如何,以往的研究主要從幸福感和生活滿意度的角度探討了年齡和性別差異。新構建的測量方法。通過 3(年輕人、中年人和老年人)×2(女性或男性)的多變量方差分析(MANOVA)檢驗了新構建的幸福感指數的年齡和性別差異。Wilks 檢驗被用作顯著性檢驗。當獲得顯著的 MANOVA 效應時,隨后對單變量分析進行了解釋。Tukey 真實顯著差異程序被用來解釋涉及兩個以上群體的顯著效應。表 4 列出了按年齡和性別劃分的新測量方法的均值和標準差。分析結果顯示年齡的總體效應顯著,F(12,620)= 5.98,p < .001。這可以歸因于自主性維度,F(2,315)= 4.04,p < .05;環境掌控,F(2,315)= 6.52,p < .01;生活目標,F(2,315)= 3.97,p < .05;以及個人成長,F(2,315)= 4.73,p < .01。這些年齡差異的方向在圖 1 中進行了說明。因此,總體年齡趨勢顯示中年受試者的得分更高,有時顯著高于老年人(生活目標),有時高于年輕人(自主性)。中年和老年受試者在環境掌控方面的自我評分高于年輕受試者。對于個人成長,年輕人和中年人的得分高于老年人。自我接納和與他人建立積極關系的指數的生命歷程特征沒有顯示出年齡差異。性別總體效應也顯著,F(6,310)= 8.65,p < .001。這可以歸因于與他人建立積極關系的測量方法,F(1,315)= 17.64,p < .001,在這一維度上,女性的得分高于男性。個人成長的結果接近顯著,F(1,315)= 3.61,p < .058,女性再次得分高于男性。其他幸福感測量方法沒有獲得其他顯著的性別差異。這些分析中也沒有獲得顯著的年齡 × 性別交互作用。早期的幸福感指數。通過一系列單變量方差分析,分析了早期六個幸福感指數的年齡和性別差異。(進行單變量分析的理由是這些量表來源于不同的概念基礎。然而,當以 MANOVA 開始時,結果基本相同。)表 5 列出了這些分析的均值和標準差。情感平衡、士氣、機會控制和抑郁的測量方法獲得了顯著的年齡差異,F(2,314)= 18.90,p < .001;F(2,313)= 4.58,p < .01;F(2,312)= 9.66,p < .001;F(2,312)= 17.50,p < .001。這些結果總結在圖 2 中,表明年輕人在情感平衡和機會控制方面的自我評分低于其他兩個年齡組。中年人在士氣方面的得分也顯著低于中年受試者。相比之下,老年人在抑郁測量方法上的得分顯著高于兩個年輕組。生活滿意度、自尊和兩個控制分量表(內部和他人權力)沒有獲得顯著的年齡差異。性別主效應在內部控制、士氣和抑郁的測量方法上獲得,F(1,314)= 5.24,p < .05;F(1,313)= 8.40,p < .01;F(1,312)= 5.05,p < .05。男性在所有這些測量方法上的自我評價得分都顯著高于女性(即在內部控制和士氣上的得分更高,在抑郁上的得分更低)。生活滿意度的測量方法接近顯著,F(1,314)= 3.81,p < .052,男性再次得分高于女性。性別差異沒有在情感平衡、自尊和控制的兩個方面(機會、他人權力)的測量方法上獲得。最后,生活滿意度的測量方法獲得了一個年齡 × 性別交互作用,F(2,314)= 3.95,p < .05。該交互作用表明,女性在三個年齡階段的得分逐漸下降,而男性從青年到中年的得分增加,然后在晚年略有下降。

Supplemental Regression Analyses

補充回歸分析

Preliminary analyses were conducted to explore possible predictors of psychological well - being. The predictor variables in these stepwise regression analyses included broad demographic characteristics: age, sex (female = 1, male = 0), educational level, marital status (married = 1, unmarried = 0), and self - rated health and finances (excellent = 4, good = 3, fair = 2, poor = 1). The correlations among the predictor variables were low; all coefficients were below .30, with the exception of the association between age and marital status (r = .46) and between education and marital status (r = .31). The results of these analyses, presented separately for each of the new and the former scales of well - being, are found in Table 6.

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In general, the demographic factors account for low levels of variance (range = 3% - 24%) in the well - being indexes. Among the prominent predictor variables for the new measures were self - rated finances and health. Being married was a predictor of self - acceptance and purpose in life, and being female predicted positive relations with others and personal growth. Age and educational level were of weak predictive significance for the new indexes. For the prior indexes of well - being, self - rated finances again appeared to be a leading predictor variable. Age and marital status were also more prominent predictors of these outcomes. Educational level was again of minimal predictive power. Sex did not enter any of the equations as a significant predictor variable, which suggests that the previously obtained mean - level differences between men and women on internal control, morale, and depression were accounted for by differences in their life situations (e.g., finances, marital status, health, age).

進行了初步分析,以探索心理幸福感的可能預測因素。這些逐步回歸分析中的預測變量包括廣泛的人口統計學特征:年齡、性別(女性 = 1,男性 = 0)、教育水平、婚姻狀況(已婚 = 1,未婚 = 0)以及自我評價的健康和財務狀況(優秀 = 4,良好 = 3,一般 = 2,差 = 1)。預測變量之間的相關性較低;所有系數均低于 0.30,除了年齡與婚姻狀況(r = 0.46)以及教育與婚姻狀況(r = 0.31)之間的關聯。這些分析的結果分別針對每一種新的和早期的幸福感量表,見表 6。總體而言,人口統計學因素在幸福感指數中的方差解釋水平較低(范圍 = 3% - 24%)。在新的測量方法中,突出的預測變量是自我評價的財務狀況和健康狀況。已婚是自我接納和生活目標的預測變量,女性則預測與他人建立積極關系和個人成長。年齡和教育水平對新指數的預測意義較弱。對于早期的幸福感指數,自我評價的財務狀況再次成為主要的預測變量。年齡和婚姻狀況也是這些結果的更突出的預測變量。教育水平的預測能力仍然很低。性別沒有作為顯著的預測變量進入任何一個方程,這表明之前獲得的男性和女性在內部控制、士氣和抑郁方面的平均差異可以通過他們生活狀況的差異(例如,財務狀況、婚姻狀況、健康、年齡)來解釋。

Discussion

討論

The aim of the present research was to stimulate interest in the basic question of what constitutes positive psychological functioning. It has been argued that early conceptions of well - being suffered from limited theoretical grounding, which led to the neglect of important facets of psychological health. At the same time, the extant theoretical literature, although articulating richer conceptions of well - being, was criticized for its unrealized empirical translation. In an effort to introduce certain of these theoretical ideas to the empirical literature, six theory - guided dimensions of well - being were operationalized. These measures revealed acceptable preliminary psychometric properties, although further validation and assessment is needed. Certain of these instruments showed convergence with prior indexes of well - being. For example, self - acceptance and environmental mastery were strongly associated with measures of life satisfaction, affect balance, self - esteem, and morale, thereby indicating clear linkages between theory - guided components of well - being and those evident in current empirical studies. However, other dimensions - most notably, positive relations with others, autonomy, purpose in life, and personal growth - were not as closely tied to current assessment indexes, as evident in both bivariate and multivariate analyses. These findings support the claim that key aspects of positive psychological functioning emphasized in theory have not been represented in the empirical arena. What are the implications of such findings for past and future research on psychological well - being? Primarily, they suggest that the previous literature has been guided by somewhat narrow conceptions of positive functioning. Central emphasis has been given to short - term affective well - being (i.e., happiness), at the expense of more enduring life challenges such as having a sense of purpose and direction, achieving satisfying relationships with others, and gaining a sense of self - realization. These contrasts harken back to the deliberations of the Greeks regarding the difference between feeling good at the moment and the more demanding task of realizing one’s true potential (Waterman, 1984). Similarly, life satisfaction, despite its more enduring, long - term quality, has failed to monitor such features of well - being as autonomy, personal growth, and positive relations with others. These heretofore neglected aspects of well - being are increasingly attracting the interest of social psychologists. For example, personal strivings, which refer to goals that individuals try to achieve in everyday behavior, have emerged as a new topic of empirical inquiry (Emmons, 1986). Similarly, meaning and purpose in life have become an empirical focus in gerontological research (Reker, Peacock, & Wong, 1987). However, in both of these new directions, goals and life purposes (or the conflicts and difficulties associated with them) have been formulated as antecedents to psychological well - being, operationalized with the usual affective indexes. The crux of the present argument is that these goals and directions in life are, in themselves, central criteria of psychological well - being. Moreover, as Waterman (1984) has stressed, realizing one’s goals or purpose in life is not always easy - - it requires effort and discipline, which may at times be at odds with short - term happiness. Beyond the major goal of re - examining the essential meaning of psychological well - being, this inquiry also addressed the life course patterning of multiple aspects of positive psychological functioning. The predictions from life span theories received only partial support; self - ratings for environmental mastery were, as expected, high in middle age, but they were also high in the self - perceptions of aged persons. Self - acceptance, on the other hand, showed no age variations, and autonomy ratings were most prominent among middle - aged respondents. The mixed support for the age predictions may reflect the fact that each newly constructed dimension of well - being was derived from the integration of several conceptual frameworks, not just life span formulations. When compared with the prior well - being literature, the age differences reveal points of convergence as well as divergence. For example, prior studies (some cross - sectional, others longitudinal) have shown that aged persons are not less happy or do not suffer from lower self - esteem than younger age groups (Bengston, Reedy, & Gordon, 1985; Herzog et al., 1982). These results reinforce such claims, showing no age differences in self - esteem and even incremental levels of happiness (affect balance) across age groups. At the same time, the findings reveal higher levels of depression (although not in the range of clinical depression) with age, concomitant with lower levels of purpose in life and personal growth. Thus, within the limitations of cross - sectional inference, the results point to a highly differentiated profile of psychological functioning across the adult life cycle. This mix of possible increments in some aspects of well - being with aging and decrements in others is particularly significant given the positive selection bias of the present sample. It appears that even well - educated, healthy, economically comfortable older adults face significant challenges in their efforts to maintain a sense of purpose and self - realization in later life. Sex differences obtained for the standard indexes of psychological well - being underscore the recurrent observation of women’s more troubled psychological profiles (Diener, 1984; Veroff et al., 1981). Female respondents had lower levels of internal control and morale, as well as higher levels of depression. The theory - guided dimensions of well - being, however, revealed advantages for women in terms of positive relations with others and a trend toward higher scores on personal growth. Thus, the new formulation affords a less dismal view of female - male contrasts in psychological well - being, with women showing strengths on the interpersonal dimension, which has been stressed as being central to female conceptions of development (Gilligan, 1982). The primary thrust of this inquiry has been descriptive, that is, to operationalize basic contours of well - being and to chart self - ratings on these dimensions as a function of age and sex. I have argued elsewhere that the usual disciplinary preference for explanatory over descriptive research (Ryff, 1987) frequently impedes careful formulation of the central constructs psychologists seek to explain. The literature on psychological well - being is but one example of this phenomenon. Still, more probing questions that would account for variation on these measures are essential to advancement of knowledge in this domain. Prior attempts to predict why some Americans are happier than others have focused almost exclusively on sociodemographic variables (i.e., education, social class, age, ethnicity, marital status). These studies have repeatedly demonstrated that, even in combination, such variables account for little of the variance in well - being (Herzog et al., 1982; Larson, 1978). The present effort to predict well - being scores with sociodemographic variables met with similar results. Thus, there is a clear need for enriched theoretical guidance in attempts to identify the critical influences on well - being and to formulate the mechanisms by which these influences occur (Diener, 1984). Perhaps looking beneath the broad social structural factors to the life experiences and opportunities they afford or deny would provide a more promising avenue for explanatory research. A final comment follows from the observation that theories of positive psychological functioning are essentially manifestations of middle - class values (Ryff, 1985). From this perspective, the present study may be faulted for creating yardsticks of self - evaluation that are unattainable, unattractive, or irrelevant for individuals at different locations in the social structure. This awareness that culture, history, ethnicity, class, and so on give rise to different, perhaps competing, conceptions of well - being (Coan, 1977) has been neglected in much prior theorizing in this domain. However, such recognition need not paralyze the scientific study of positive psychological functioning. Rather, it should lead to new targets of empirical inquiry such as studies that assess the fit between theoretical conceptions of well - being and the values and ideals of those to whom they are applied (e.g., Ryff, 1989b), investigations that explore the conditions under which particular ideals of well - being are obstructed or realized, and research that probes the long - term consequences (individual and societal) of following one rather than another conception of positive psychological functioning. Thus, the conflict and competition among values that is inevitable in this domain must be viewed not as an obstacle to but as a focus of empirical study. It is these guiding ideals that afford vitality and an ever - expanding source of standards for defining psychological well - being.

本研究的目標是激發對積極心理功能的本質是什么這一基本問題的興趣。有人認為,早期對幸福感的看法由于理論基礎有限,導致忽視了心理健康的許多重要方面。與此同時,盡管現有的理論文獻闡述了更豐富的幸福感概念,但因其未能實現經驗轉化而受到批評。為了將這些理論思想引入經驗文獻,對六個理論指導的幸福感維度進行了操作化。這些量表顯示出可接受的初步心理測量學特性,盡管還需要進一步的驗證和評估。其中一些量表與早期的幸福感量表顯示出一致性。例如,自我接納和環境掌控與生活滿意度、情感平衡、自尊和士氣的測量方法高度相關,這表明理論指導的幸福感成分與當前經驗研究中明顯的成分之間存在明確的聯系。然而,其他維度——尤其是與他人建立積極關系、自主性、生活目標和個人成長——與當前的評估指標的聯系并不緊密,這在雙變量和多變量分析中都有所體現。這些發現支持了理論中強調的積極心理功能的關鍵方面尚未在經驗領域得到體現的觀點。這樣的發現對過去的和未來的心理幸福感研究有什么啟示呢?首先,它們表明,以往的文獻受到對積極功能較為狹隘的概念的指導。主要強調短期的情感幸福感(即幸福),而犧牲了更持久的生活挑戰,例如擁有目標和方向感、與他人建立令人滿意的關系以及獲得自我實現感。這些對比讓人回想起希臘人對當下感覺良好與更具挑戰性的實現自身真正潛力之間的區別的討論(Waterman,1984)。同樣,盡管生活滿意度具有更持久的長期特質,但它未能監測到自主性、個人成長以及與他人建立積極關系等幸福感特征。這些以前被忽視的幸福感方面正越來越吸引社會心理學家的興趣。例如,個人奮斗,即個人在日常行為中試圖實現的目標,已經成為經驗研究的新課題(Emmons,1986)。同樣,生活中的意義和目標也成為老年學研究的經驗焦點(Reker,Peacock & Wong,1987)。然而,在這兩個新的研究方向中,目標和生活目標(或與之相關的沖突和困難)被表述為心理幸福感的前因,并用通常的情感指數進行操作化。當前論點的核心是,這些生活中的目標和方向本身就是心理幸福感的核心標準。此外,正如 Waterman(1984)所強調的,實現生活目標或目的并不總是容易的——它需要努力和紀律,這有時可能與短期幸福相沖突。除了重新審視心理幸福感的本質這一主要目標外,本研究還探討了積極心理功能多個方面的生命歷程模式。生命周期理論的預測只得到了部分支持;環境掌控的自我評分如預期一樣在中年時期較高,但在老年人的自我感知中也較高。另一方面,自我接納并沒有顯示出年齡差異,而自主性的評分在中年受試者中最為突出。對年齡預測的混合支持可能反映了這樣一個事實:每個新構建的幸福感維度都是從幾個概念框架的整合中得來的,而不僅僅是生命周期公式。與以往的幸福感文獻相比,年齡差異揭示了趨同和分歧的要點。例如,以往的研究(有些是橫斷面的,有些是縱向的)表明,老年人并不比年輕群體更不幸福,也沒有遭受更低的自尊(Bengston,Reedy & Gordon,1985;Herzog 等人,1982)。這些結果加強了這種說法,顯示出在自尊方面沒有年齡差異,并且在年齡群體之間幸福感(情感平衡)呈遞增水平。與此同時,研究結果揭示了隨著年齡增長抑郁水平(盡管不在臨床抑郁范圍內)升高,與生活目標和個人成長水平降低相伴。因此,在橫斷面推斷的局限性內,結果指向了成年生命周期中高度分化的心理功能輪廓。考慮到當前樣本的正向選擇偏差,這種在某些幸福感方面的可能增加與在其他方面的減少的混合特別顯著。看來即使是受過良好教育、健康、經濟舒適的老年人在努力維持晚年生活中的目標感和自我實現感方面也面臨著重大挑戰。在心理幸福感的標準指數中獲得的性別差異突出了女性更麻煩的心理輪廓的反復觀察(Diener,1984;Veroff 等人,1981)。女性受試者的內部控制和士氣水平較低,抑郁水平較高。然而,理論指導的幸福感維度揭示了女性在與他人建立積極關系方面的優勢以及個人成長得分呈上升趨勢。因此,新的公式為女性 - 男性在心理幸福感方面的對比提供了一個不那么悲觀的看法,女性在人際關系維度上顯示出優勢,這一維度被認為對女性的發展觀念至關重要(Gilligan,1982)。本研究的主要方向是描述性的,即操作化幸福感的基本輪廓,并將這些維度的自我評分作為年齡和性別的函數進行繪制。我在其他地方爭論過,學科通常偏好解釋性研究而非描述性研究(Ryff,1987),這常常阻礙了心理學家試圖解釋的核心構念的謹慎表述。心理幸福感的文獻僅僅是這種現象的一個例子。盡管如此,提出能夠解釋這些測量方法變化的更深入的問題對于這一領域的知識進步是至關重要的。以往試圖預測為什么一些美國人比其他人更幸福的努力幾乎完全集中在社會人口學變量(即教育、社會階層、年齡、種族、婚姻狀況)上。這些研究反復表明,即使是綜合起來,這些變量也解釋不了幸福感的方差(Herzog 等人,1982;Larson,1978)。用社會人口學變量預測幸福感得分的當前努力也得到了類似的結果。因此,顯然需要更豐富的理論指導來嘗試確定影響幸福感的關鍵因素,并制定這些影響發生的機制(Diener,1984)。也許,深入到廣泛的社會結構因素之下,研究它們提供的生活經歷和機會,將為解釋性研究提供更有希望的途徑。最后一點評論來自于這樣的觀察:積極心理功能的理論本質上是中產階級價值觀的表現(Ryff,1985)。從這個角度來看,本研究可能會因為創造了對處于社會結構不同位置的個體來說無法達到、缺乏吸引力或無關緊要的自我評價標準而受到批評。這種對文化、歷史、種族、階級等產生不同甚至相互競爭的幸福感觀念(Coan,1977)的認識在這一領域的許多早期理論中被忽視了。然而,這種認識并不應使積極心理功能的科學研究陷入癱瘓。相反,它應該導致經驗研究的新目標,例如評估理論幸福感觀念與它們所應用的人的價值觀和理想的契合度的研究(例如,Ryff,1989b)、探索特定幸福感理想在何種條件下受到阻礙或實現的研究,以及深入研究遵循一種而非另一種積極心理功能觀念的長期后果(個人和社會)的研究。因此,這一領域中不可避免的價值觀沖突和競爭不應被視為經驗研究的障礙,而應成為其焦點。正是這些指導理想,為定義心理幸福感提供了活力和不斷擴展的標準來源。

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Call for Nominations

The Publications and Communications Board has opened nominations for the editorships of the Personality Processes and Individual Differences section of the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, the Journal of Experimental Psychology: Animal Behavior Processes, Contemporary Psychology, Psychological Assessment: A Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, and Psychology and Aging (or ibg years 1992 - 1997. Irwin Sarason, Michael Domjan, Ellen Berscheid, Alan Kazdin, and M. Powell Lawton, respectively, are the incumbent editors. Candidates must be members of APA and should be available to start receiving manuscripts in early 1991 to prepare for issues published in 1992. Please note that the P&C Board encourages more participation by members of underrepresented groups in the publication process and would particularly welcome such nominees. To nominate candidates, prepare a statement of one page or less in support of each candidate.

? For JPSP: Personality, submit nominations to Arthur Bodin, Mental Research Institute, 555 Middlefield Road, Palo Alto, California 94301. Other members of the search committee are Charles S. Carver, Ravenna S. Helson, Walter Mischel, Lawrence A. Pervin, and Jerry S


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